TOPIC OF THE WEEK: Pashinyan’s referendum traps—heads he loses, tails he loses more
Armenia’s newly elected National Assembly convened this week following the disputed June 7 vote. As expected, the opposition took its seats, perhaps mindful of the limited gains delivered by the Georgian opposition’s parliamentary boycott.
Alongside mounting pressure from Russian trade restrictions, Pashinyan faces two politically hazardous referendum questions. On constitutional reform, Civil Contract controls 64 of Parliament’s 105 seats—six short of the 70 votes needed to send a new Constitution or changes to protected provisions to a referendum. The government can initiate the process alone, but it cannot complete it without opposition support. Limited amendments to non-protected provisions are easier, yet they do not solve the central issue: removing or rewriting the constitutional Preamble’s reference to the Declaration of Independence.
The most credible route is therefore a deal with six opposition MPs, although Pashinyan could also rely on a narrow Constitutional Court interpretation, pursue early elections or eventually redesign electoral rules. None is straightforward. The legal constraint effectively gives the opposition leverage over an issue that Baku increasingly presents as essential to the peace process.
A separate referendum on Armenia’s geopolitical orientation would be equally risky. A vote for the EU could trigger harsher Russian trade retaliation before European market access delivers meaningful benefits. On the other hand, a vote for the Eurasian Economic Union would undermine Pashinyan’s pro-Western strategy and alienate his political base. Either outcome risks imposing significant economic and political costs, turning the referendum process into a potential catalyst for renewed uncertainty rather than a clean strategic reset. For now Pashinyan is likely to delay a decision on this referendum for as long as possible and focus on finding a solution for the one related to the Constitution.
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